The investigation said that the US-backed and Saudi-led war in Yemen has not only created a severe countrywide humanitarian crisis, but has also spawned external competition over the looting of Yemen’s natural resources, particularly oil and gas. Yemen’s strategic location and its many ports make it an ideal hub for transporting stolen resources quickly and efficiently.
A geo-economic motive for the war
According to the report, the ongoing conflict has caused direct and indirect losses of over $45 billion to Yemen’s oil sector. Meanwhile, the war coalition continues to sell millions of barrels of oil through Yemeni ports on a regular basis.
That the war in Yemen has sparked a geopolitical struggle for control and appropriation of natural resources has often been overlooked in the mainstream foreign media – despite being an integral part of the devastating conflict – and mirrors similar violations seen in other parts of West Asia, most notably in Syria where US military troops oversee the daily looting of Syrian oil and agricultural resources.
Competing Yemeni authorities
The Cradle said, the war’s original objectives have become increasingly muddied as various coalition partners pursue wildly diverging agendas. As the “short” war turned into months and then years, many of them have also sought to plough Yemen’s riches to fill their emptying coffers.
Today, the coalition is primarily composed of lead partners Saudi Arabia and the UAE, with the US and UK providing arms, intelligence, and logistical support from the shadows.
To further their own interests, each coalition member has established and armed their own version of a Yemeni government – Saudi Arabia created the PLC (“internationally-recognized government”), while the UAE formed the STC in the south of the country.
The PLC, STC, and their affiliated factions exert control over the resource-rich provinces, as well as nearly all of Yemen’s major ports and waterways.
Tracking Yemen’s stolen oil
The magazine reported that Yemen's oil is liberally being transported overseas, most of the country’s own population is barred from accessing their own resources. Reports from the PLC indicate that Yemen’s oil exports surged from 6.672 million barrels annually in 2016 to 25.441 million in 2021.
The question remains: where does the oil and gas go, how does it get there, and who benefits from these revenues?
In March, the Ekad platform released an investigative video detailing the theft of Yemen’s oil. The focal point of the investigation was a tanker named ‘Gulf Aetos’ – a vessel named by Ansarallah in multiple documents.
The investigation begins with the tanker docking at Khor Fakkan Port in the UAE. On 25 June, the Gulf Aetos set sail from the Emirates and headed toward Bir Ali port in southern Yemen. There, it was loaded with oil before heading to Aden Port, where the oil was unloaded.
For a period of 30 days, the ship repeated the same specific, peculiar routine—loading from Bir Ali port and unloading in Aden port. Although the exact nature of these maneuvers remains undisclosed, it is speculated that they could be related to maritime security or the redistribution of the oil. On 5 August, the ship returned to the UAE and docked off the shores of Fujairah, but its task was not yet complete.
Later another tanker named Star Z approached Gulf Aetos. The two ships mixed their crude oil either to make their shipments untraceable or to enhance the quality of the oil. Mixing heavy and light oil can result in a superior product.
However, in this instance, it is highly likely that the mixing was done to obfuscate the oil’s origin. Following the oil mixing, Gulf Aetos continued its journey to Khor Al Zubair port in Iraq, where the oil was unloaded.
According to Ekad’s investigation, the Iraqi port is renowned as the international hub for the redistribution of smuggled oil. The investigation noted that Singapore and the US are among the main destinations of the smuggled oil exported from this port.
Regarding US and Western role in the looting, the magazine confirmed that it is not too dissimilar from the case of Syria, the theft of Yemen’s resources has been made possible with the approval and supervision of the US and its allies, implicating their role in the ongoing exploitation.
For decades, the US has acted as a maritime security guarantor for the Persian Gulf monarchies, with its Combined Maritime Forces (CMF) alliance stationed in West Asian waters since 1983. The CMF’s responsibility covers the Red Sea, the Persian Gulf, the Arabian Sea, and the Gulf of Aden – precisely where the looting of Yemen’s resources occurs.
Interestingly, while the US has intercepted and seized ships in these waters in recent years, none of them were the tankers engaged in oil theft from Yemen. This raises suspicions over the motives behind such selective actions.
Similar patterns can be observed with the presence of British and French soldiers strategically placed in oil-rich regions like Hadhramaut. Though their numbers may be small, reports suggest that their purpose is to ensure the “security” of the oil-exporting process. This mirrors tactics employed by the US military in Syria, where a limited number of troops were deployed to oversee the ongoing oil theft in the country’s northeast.
Numerous foreign companies also profit from this theft. One prominent name that repeatedly surfaces is the French oil and gas giant TotalEnergies. The firm has a track record of human rights violations in Yemen and the exploitation of its resources.
A detailed report from SABA, the official news agency of Sanaa’s government, reveals that in March 2022, the UAE and TotalEnergies agree to resume gas exports through the Balhaf gas terminal in the Gulf of Aden.
Shockingly, the document exposes how the Americans and the French proposed selling the gas at a mere $3 per million BTUs, significantly below the global price of around $15, due to the Ukraine-Russia conflict.
These deals expose the exploitation of Yemen’s resources, with the UAE signing off on agreements over territories well outside of its jurisdiction, while the west plays its part in facilitating the process.
Notably, the coalition’s looting extends beyond oil and gas revenues; it also encompasses the confiscation of customs tariffs and fees from all transiting aircraft, vehicles, and ships, further adding to the plunder.
“The UAE is the focus of looting” the magazine showed. “Importantly, many of these ships are owned by UAE-based companies, as well as Greek and Chinese firms,” it emphasized.
Gulf Aetos, for example, is owned by Blue Pearl Shipping and Trading and is managed by Gulf of Aden Shipping – both Emirati companies.
Saudi Arabia and UAE share smuggled oil profits
The revenue from the smuggled oil is divided between coalition partners Saudi Arabia and the UAE, with the latter holding a larger share. This is due to the UAE’s control over 12 Yemeni ports spanning from the east to the west of the country, effectively giving Abu Dhabi control over the export and distribution of oil and gas.
The smuggling of Yemen’s oil and gas serves two primary objectives: First, it provides fuel for the ongoing conflict and funds the salaries for the newly established governments and their militias, whether these are Saudi or UAE-backed.
The second objective is to deprive the central government in Sanaa from benefiting from Yemen’s oil and gas resources. As in Syria, this is aimed at reinforcing the effectiveness of the siege and sanctions imposed on Yemen, and preventing revenues from reaching the de facto authorities.
On the other hand, the revenue collected by the PLC is directly transferred to their patrons in Saudi Arabia. In an interview, Marib Governor Sultan al-Aradah acknowledged that the money generated from oil and gas in his province goes straight to the Saudi National Bank (Al-Ahli Bank).
How do Yemenis obtain oil?
The report said, “meanwhile, the Sanaa-based government has been left with humiliating options by which to obtain vital fuel: Yemenis are forced to purchase Yemeni oil through intermediaries or private companies in UAE markets and make payments through Emirati banks.
The oil is then examined by a French company to determine its source. The ship carrying the oil undergoes inspections in Djibouti by the “UN Verification and Inspection Mechanism for Yemen” (UNVIM), and finally, it sails to Jizan, Saudi Arabia, for examination by Saudi authorities.
These arbitrary procedures – amidst Yemen’s urgent need for vital energy resources – lead to prolonged delays, exacerbating the humanitarian catastrophe and causing immense suffering for Yemen’s population, as well as financial and logistical setbacks for the government.
Overcoming the legacy of looting
The looting of Yemen’s resources is expected to cease once the war ends, but the circumstances under which this will unfold remain uncertain.
Recent geopolitical moves and agreements struck by Saudi Arabia suggest a Eurasian pivot in Riyadh, which essentially allows for a foreign policy less servile to Washington.
By defying requests from the Biden administration to increase oil exports, and restoring relations with US-foes Iran and Syria, Riyadh is repositioning itself on the global stage by resolving long-standing disputes and tensions with its neighbors, which were primarily ignited by western interests rather than genuine threats.
If this trend continues, Saudi Arabia may reach a bilateral agreement with Ansarallah, thus ending one important driver of the Yemen conflict.
The report mentioned what the leader of the revolution, Sayyed Abdulmalik Al-Houthi, had earlier said about “the military action against any attempts to plunder Yemen’s resources – not only its oil and gas resources, but also other valuable commodities such as metals.”
The report concludes by saying: Yemen’s possibilities are vast, and the Saudis have worked assiduously to prevent this realization since the kingdom’s establishment. But the region is changing fast with the emergence of a multipolar world, and the new order favors economic development and peace over wars and sanctions.#US_Saudi_Aggression #US-Saudi Looting of Oil 23-06-06
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